Macbeth Summary

'Macbeth' Summary William Shakespeare’s Macbeth takes place in Scotland in the 11th century AD, and it tells the story of Macbeth, thane of Glamis, and of his ambition to become king. This Shakespearian tragedy is loosely based on historical sources, namely Holinshed’s Chronicles, and there is historical documentation on several characters, including Macbeth, Duncan, and Malcolm. It’s unclear whether the character of Banquo really existed. While the Chronicles depict him as an accomplice to Macbeth’s murderous actions, Shakespeare portrays him as an innocent character. Overall, Macbeth is not known for its historical accuracy, but for the portrayal of the effects of blind ambition in people. Act I Scottish generals Macbeth and Banquo have just defeated the allied forces of Norway and Ireland, which were led by the traitorous Macdonwald. As Macbeth and Banquo wander onto a heath, they are greeted by the Three Witches, who offer them prophecies. Banquo challenges them first, so they address Macbeth: they hail him as Thane of Glamis,† his current title and then Thane of Cawdor, adding that he will also be king. Banquo then asks of his own fortunes, the witches respond enigmatically, saying that he will be less than Macbeth, yet happier, less successful, yet more. Most importantly, they tell him that he will father a line of kings, though he himself will not be one. The witches vanish soon after, and the two men wonder at these pronouncements. Then, however, another thane, Ross, arrives and informs Macbeth that he has been bestowed the title of Thane of Cawdor.  This means that the first prophecy is fulfilled, and Macbeth’s initial skepticism turns into ambition. King Duncan welcomes and praises Macbeth and Banquo, and declares that he will spend the night at Macbeths castle at  Inverness; he also names his son Malcolm as his heir. Macbeth sends a message ahead to his wife, Lady Macbeth, telling her about the witches prophecies. Lady Macbeth unwaveringly wishes for her husband to murder the king so he can usurp the throne, to the point that she answers his objections by casting doubts on his manhood. Eventually, she manages to convince him to kill the king that same night. The two get Duncans two chamberlains drunk so that the next morning they can easily blame the chamberlains for the murder.  Ã‚     Act II   Still plagued by doubts and by hallucinations, including a bloody dagger, Macbeth stabs King Duncan in his sleep. He is so upset that Lady Macbeth has to take charge, and frames Duncans sleeping servants for the murder by placing bloody daggers on them. The following morning, Lennox, a Scottish nobleman, and Macduff, the loyal Thane of Fife, arrive at Inverness, and Macduff is the one who discovers Duncans body. Macbeth murders the guards so they cannot profess their innocence, but claims he did so in a fit of anger over their misdeeds. Duncans sons Malcolm and Donalbain flee to England and Ireland, respectively, fearing they might be targets too, but their flight frames them as suspects. As a consequence, Macbeth assumes the throne as the new King of Scotland as a kinsman of the dead king. On this occasion, Banquo recalls the witches prophecy about how his own descendants would inherit the throne. This makes him suspicious of Macbeth.   Act III Meanwhile Macbeth, who remembers the prophecy concerning Banquo, remains uneasy, so he invites him to a royal banquet, where he discovers that Banquo and his young son, Fleance, will be riding out that night. Suspecting Banquo of being suspicious of him, Macbeth arranges to have him and Fleance murdered by hiring assassins, who succeed in killing Banquo, but not Fleance. This enrages Macbeth, as he fears that his power won’t be safe as long as a heir of Banquo lives.  At a banquet, Macbeth is visited by Banquos ghost who sits in Macbeths place. Macbeth’s reaction startles the guests, as the ghost is only visible to him: they see their king panicking at an empty chair. Lady Macbeth has to tell them that her husband is merely afflicted with a familiar and harmless malady. The ghost departs and returns once more, causing the same riotous anger and fear in Macbeth. This time, Lady Macbeth tells the lords to leave, and they do so.   Act IV   Macbeth pays visits to the witches again in order to learn the truth of their prophecies to him. In response to that, they conjure horrible apparitions: an armored head, which tells him to beware of Macduff;  a bloody child telling him that no one born of a woman will be able to harm him; next, a crowned child holding a tree stating that Macbeth will be safe until Great Birnam Wood comes to Dunsinane Hill. Since all men are born from women and forests cannot move, Macbeth is initially relieved. Macbeth also asks whether Banquos sons will ever reign in Scotland. The witches conjure a procession of eight crowned kings, all similar in appearance to Banquo, the last one carrying a mirror reflecting even more kings: they are all Banquos descendants having acquired kingship in numerous countries. After the witches leave, Macbeth learns that Macduff has fled to England, and so Macbeth orders Macduffs castle be seized, and also sends murderers to slaughter Macduff and his family. Although Macduff is no longer there, Lady Macduff and his family are murdered  Ã‚   Act V   Lady Macbeth becomes overcome with guilt for the crimes she and her husband committed. She has taken to sleepwalking, and after entering the stage holding a candle, she laments the murders of Duncan, Banquo, and Lady Macduff, while also trying to wash off imaginary bloodstains from her hands. In England, Macduff learns of the slaughtering of his own family, and, stricken with grief, vows revenge. Together with Prince Malcolm, Duncans son, who raised an army in England, he rides to Scotland to challenge Macbeths forces against Dunsinane Castle. While encamped in Birnam Wood, the soldiers are ordered to cut down and carry tree limbs to camouflage their numbers. Part of the witches’ prophecy comes true.  Before Macbeths opponents arrive, he learns that Lady Macbeth has killed herself, causing him to sink into despair. He eventually faces Macduff, initially without fear, since he cannot be killed by any man born of woman. Macduff declares that he was from his mothers womb / Untimely rippd (V 8.15–16). The second prophecy is thus fulfilled, and Macbeth is eventually killed and beheaded by Macduff. The order is restored and Malcolm is crowned King of Scotland. As for the Witches’ prophecy concerning Banquo’s descendants, it is true in that James I of England, previously James VI of Scotland, descended from Banquo.

The Ante-Bellum Background The WritePass Journal

The Ante-Bellum Background The Ante-Bellum Background IntroductionThe Early Reconstruction EraChapter oneThe Foundations of African-American EducationIndependent African-American SchoolhousesChapter TwoChapter ThreeConclusionRelated Introduction Prior to the American Civil War, 1861-1865, a system of state education did not exist in the Confederate South. Taxation to subsidise public schooling had not yet been introduced and education remained localised to affluent white communities.  Within Georgia, as throughout the South, schools were privately organised and sustained.  In 1858, however, Governor Brown secured the passage of law to establish a common school system in Georgia, which intended to provide tuition for every white child in the state.  This law was never enacted and instead collapsed with the defeat of the Confederacy. Nevertheless, Brown’s proposed legislation remains significant for its characterisation of contemporary Southern white attitudes; black education held no interest to the state. In a society structured upon African-American slavery, this is unsurprising. Indeed, state legislation prohibited the instruction of African-Americans throughout the South, and Georgia was no exception.  In 1833, a Georgia law secured the punishment of any person, by fine or imprisonment, discovered to be teaching any ‘slave, negro or free person of colour. Despite these proscriptions, the enslaved and free African-American community alike yearned for knowledge; a craving that strengthened during the post-bellum Reconstruction period.  This desire was not only motivated by the importance of education to racial progress, but also the realisation that knowledge equated to power.  African-Americans anticipated that attaining an education meant ‘seizing a weapon’  which could challenge the established racial hierarchy. Education symbolised equality. The Early Reconstruction Era In December 1864, Georgia surrendered to the Union. Defeat secured freedom for the formerly enslaved and likewise liberated African-Americans from restrictive legislation preventing their instruction. The emancipation of Georgia’s slaves was subsequently reinforced by the Thirteenth Amendment, 1865, formally abolishing the institution of servitude throughout the South.  In the Reconstruction period, however, African-Americans in Georgia, and the South as a whole, were confronted with crisis regarding their desire for education. The black community lacked existing formal schooling and racial prejudice prevented African-Americans attending the educational institutions of white society. Moreover, war destroyed the Southern landscape and Georgia itself was ‘exhausted and clubbed to her knees.’  Ã‚  The destruction of both towns and plantations resulted in widespread poverty. This economic hardship was intensified among the newly emancipated population, who, with a lack of state support, were forced to fend for themselves. Nevertheless, despite this destitution, African-American schooling encompassed Georgia within a year of surrender, a trend representative of the entire South. Previous historiography has adopted varying approaches to this movement, attributing its emergence to differing factors. Of particular interest to historians preceding the 1980s was the role of Northern whites: the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands (the Freedmen’s Bureau) and Northern benevolent associations.  Peirce, for example, argues the Freedmen’s Bureau ‘inaugurated the system of [black] instruction’  by providing an infrastructure to coordinate the efforts of philanthropic associations and monetary contributions. Furthermore, previous scholarship emphasises the role of the Bureau in conjunction with benevolent associations, asserting black education was a ‘cooperative venture.’  Similarly to the Bureau, Northern aid societies donated material aid and, additionally, transported qualified teachers to the South. With reference to Georgia, Thompson argues African-American education originated from, and was maintained by, the combined resources which Northern whites were able to accumulate. Fundamentally, ‘the education of negroes was left to the Freedmen’s Bureau and Northern philanthropy.’ Implicit within both these perspectives is the assumption that education was bestowed upon African-Americans, who displayed little initiative towards their own schooling. Indeed, Bentley’s A History of the Freedmen’s Bureau (1955) judged the freedpeople’s response as ‘piteous.’  Primary evidence, however, contradicts this scholarship. Various sources suggest black communities provided valuable support to the educational movement; financial donations, despite poverty, are regularly recorded.  Numerous scholars pre-dating the 1980s were therefore consciously selective in their use of evidence by devaluing, or dismissing, the role of African-Americans, preferring to emphasise the role of Northern whites. This perspective can be ascribed to contextual influences. In the late-1960s and early-1970s, the Civil Rights Movement gained momentum in America. Arguably, this changing social history may have subconsciously impacted upon written history; racial prejudice perhaps obscured personal judgement. Developing this conservative approach, historians of the 1980s and early-1990s recognise the educational movement involved, to an extent, African-Americans themselves. Whilst scholarship of this decade likewise attributes the emergence of black education to Northern whites, it also acknowledges African-Americans ‘seized opportunities offered’  to them and made important contributions of their own. Holt argues freedpeople of North Carolina exploited the household economy to assist the maintenance of schoolhouses erected by the Bureau.  Similarly, Cimbala emphasises the significance of African-American financial contributions within Georgia; a necessity to supplement Northern funds.  Furthermore, Butchart notes that as Northern financial assistance dwindled in 1869 due to lack of funds, African-Americans throughout the South adopted the dual responsibility of financing and operating schools. Whilst these scholars appreciate African-American education was a joint enterprise, whereby the black community worked in co-operation with Northern whites, only recent research suggests the educational movement originated from ‘black impetus.’  Modern scholarship has gradually credited the inauguration of African-American education to the African-American community. This conclusion has been applied in particular to Maryland and South Carolina, both of which have been utilised as case-studies generalising the broader movement of the South. Convincingly, Jenkins argues African-Americans of South Carolina educated themselves during the early Reconstruction period; a self-sufficient movement which continued their concealed efforts during the era of slavery.  Similarly, Fuke concludes African-American schooling in Maryland derived from the grassroots of the African-American community. Consequently, Northern whites operated as catalysts within an educational movement crea ted by black society; the Bureau facilitated the ‘expansion’  of black schooling through the creation of additional schoolhouses and Northern philanthropists enhanced the quality of tuition. This dissertation intends to ascertain how far these arguments can be applied to Georgia, assessing whether the conclusions determined by Jenkins and Fuke correspond with the experiences of other Southern states. Each chapter will address the educational contributions of a specific group: African-Americans, the Freedmen’s Bureau and Northern benevolent associations. Within this structure, rural areas will be compared to their urban counterparts, primarily the city of Savannah. Accordingly, this will enable me to determine to what extent African-American education derived from black impetus throughout differing areas of Georgia. In establishing how far formal African-American schooling was motivated by the black community in Reconstruction Georgia, educational archives of the Bureau will provide a primary body of evidence. These records, dating from 1865-1870, consist of statistical data and school reports compiled by the Bureau, as well as letters received and sent by the agency. For Georgia, there are 15 microfilm rolls of correspondence, each containing 200-300 items. Moreover, a further 12 rolls comprise of accounting records and school reports composed by teachers and Bureau agents. To gain a sense of contemporary proceedings from such a vast source, I sampled approximately five letters and school reports per month from Savannah and varying rural counties of the state. Whereas archives of the Bureau are easily attainable, records of benevolent associations are comparatively limited. Documentation of the American Missionary Association (AMA) is stored within America, and the restricted material available online does not relate to Georgia. Consequently, the dissertation will instead utilise letters received by the Bureau from the AMA, alongside primary references within secondary material. Chapter one African-American Schooling in the Early Reconstruction Period: 1865-1870 Despite impoverishment confronting Georgia after defeat in the Civil War, formal African-American schooling encompassed the state during the early Reconstruction period. By January 1870, 194 African-American schools regularly reported to the Bureau, and a further 105 schoolhouses were believed to exist.  These schools served over 8,000 pupils throughout Georgia.  Traditional historiography attributes the inauguration of this educational movement to the Freedmen’s Bureau and Northern philanthropic organisations. Indeed, Northern white intervention commenced relatively early following Georgia’s surrender. Whilst the original Freedmen’s Bureau Act, March 1865, did not contain provisions for African-American education (Congress failed to appropriate finance for this purpose until July 1866), informal Bureau activity within Georgia began in the winter of 1865.  However, devoid of Congressional support, Georgia’s officials lacked monetary reserves and were restricted to exploiting their limited resources; abandoned property under Bureau control.  Nevertheless, the Bureau capitalised on the supplies it did possess and its earliest contribution can be dated to mid-November, 1865, when Davis Tillson, the state’s second assistant commissioner, authorised derelict buildings in Savannah to be utilised as African-American schools. Similarly, philanthropic associations instigated their benevolence within Georgia in the latter months of 1865. The AMA initially transported qualified Northern teachers to the state in , and NEFAS dispatched its first instructors in November.  By December 1865, these aid societies had established African-American schoolhouses in Savannah, Augusta, Atlanta, and Columbus. However, whilst Northern white activities commenced promptly in Reconstruction Georgia, the origins of formal African-American schooling cannot be attributed to these efforts, as previous scholarship suggests.  Arguably, African-American education derived from the grassroots of black society. In the summer of 1865, months following Georgia’s defeat, and months prior to Northern white intervention, Alvord embarked upon an exploration of the South. Concluding this tour, Alvord estimated 79 black schoolhouses were already established in Georgia, illustrating that African-American schooling was inaugurated independently.  This development accords with the conclusions determined by Jenkins and Fuke. The Foundations of African-American Education The origins of African-American education in post-bellum Georgia, then, can be attributed to black society. The foundations of this movement derive, ironically, from the era preceding the Civil War. Despite legislation prohibiting instruction of African-Americans, a considerable number had acquired a clandestine education. Subsequent to Confederate defeat, members of Georgia’s black community who already possessed understanding of reading and writing became educators of the race.  Accordingly, the introduction of formal African-American schooling in Reconstruction Georgia was, as argued by Jenkins for South Carolina, a ‘continuation of the†¦efforts under slavery.’ In spite of restrictive legislation, many African-Americans in Georgia obtained literary skills before 1860. This learning process occurred, however, primarily within urban areas, whereby a more diverse environment than rural districts allowed differing opportunities to acquire education. Surprisingly, in a society characterised by white superiority, some slaves were instructed by their masters or his family. Regardless of potential prosecution, Savannah whites, on occasion, dismissed state laws forbidding the tuition of African-Americans. Domestic slaves, in particular, benefitted from this compassion. ‘Uncle Reuben’ of Savannah, owned by a master possessing few slaves, was rewarded for his loyalty and educated by the family. However, the majority concealed their learning from white society, instead attaining tuition surreptitiously from fellow African-Americans. As black ministers were literate, churches within pre-bellum Savannah were employed as secret institutions of education.  Consequently, Sundays proved a significant day for black tuition; whilst white society attended white churches, slaves with travel-passes, alongside their free counterparts, exploited African-American churches where, in addition to religious instruction, ministers often bestowed the rudiments of literacy.  Reverend J. Simms, for example, a former slave who purchased freedom, educated African-Americans, slave and free alike, within his Savannah church until 1861. Furthermore, free African-Americans of Savannah likewise obtained a clandestine education within a secular context, further disregarding state prohibitions. Unlike the urban enslaved, fettered by servitude, free African-Americans attended black schoolhouses operating covertly throughout the city. Mrs Deveaux, a free African-American, secretly taught from 1830 until the end of the Civil War.  This institution remained invisible to white society, successfully educating members of Savannah’s black community. Similarly, Susie King Taylor provides evidence of such surreptitious tuition. Unlike most slaves, Taylor, aged seven, was granted freedom by her master and subsequently lived with her free Grandmother in Savannah.  Consequently, Susie acquired an education. Each day, Taylor attended a secret school organised within the home of Mrs Woodhouse, a free African-American.  To avoid arousing suspicion within the white community, Taylor’s schoolbooks were disguised and Mrs Woodhouse’s 25 pupils each entered and departed the property individually.  Within two years, Mrs Woodhouse had taught Taylor ‘all she knew.’ Moreover, Lucy and Sarah Chase, white NEFAS educators transported to Savannah, December 1865, support the existence of covert schoolhouses in their account published in the Worcester Evening Gazette; ‘[they] would have schools, under the old regime†¦in spite of the laws.’  Specifically, the Chase sisters describe a free African-American male who operated a pre-bellum ‘secret school’  in his Savannah residence. Following this tutoring, pupils frequently continued their studies at home, concealing their activities from white society. Evidence therefore suggests a number of African-Americans in Savannah acquired understanding of reading and writing prior to the Civil War, undermining legislation intended to prohibit such academic advancement. Contrastingly, opportunities for clandestine instruction in rural Georgia were limited; tense race relations and the isolated nature of the environment resulted in fewer means to obtain education. Under slavery, cotton cultivation dominated rural Georgia and the economic livelihood of whites depended upon African-American labour.  Consequently, race relations were strained. Planters perceived African-Americans in terms of their property value and financial concerns ‘superseded the consideration of slaves.’  Thus, masters refused to instruct slaves for fear the educated worker could destabilise the established hierarchy, resulting in slave rebellion and economic loss.  J.H. Dent, a slaveholder in Northern rural Georgia, commented ‘one great error is to†¦enlighten the Negro. In doing so, you†¦arouse his suspicions.’  Accordingly, few slaves, if any, acquired education from their master. George Womble, a former slave of Clinton, Georgia, emphasises this difficulty in achieving literacy, recalling the enslaved on his plantation were ‘never given the chance to learn to read or write.’ Furthermore, whereas churches provided alternative sources of education for urban slaves, they remained wholly religious to rural slaves. Whilst given opportunities to attend sermons by their masters, the rural enslaved were largely preached to by white ministers.  According to James Bolton, a slave of Oglethorpe County, ‘they weren’t no church for niggers on our plantation†¦we went to the white folkses church and listened to white preachers.’  Likewise, Womble was required to attend his master’s church, receiving the Sunday service of a white minister. Occasionally, however, white churches permitted rural slaves to be ministered by African-American preachers.  Nevertheless, such sermons remained subject to white supervision, preventing the surreptitious schooling which occurred within urban black churches. Plantation slave William Ward commented the local black pastor was overseen by his master, with the sermon ‘always built according to the master’s instructions†¦reminding slaves they†¦must lead a life of loyal servitude.’  Consequently, as slaves were addressed by white ministers, or by black preachers under the direction of their masters, churches within rural Georgia rarely provided slaves with academic education. Nevertheless, despite evident efforts of plantation owners to keep slaves uneducated, African-Americans sometimes exploited younger members of their master’s family.  The account of Womble refers to the neighbouring plantation where slave boys transported books of the master’s children to and from school, simultaneously receiving instruction upon how to write.  Thus, despite prohibitive legislation and the resolve of white society, some slaves, albeit the fortunate minority, acquired a degree of literacy in rural ante-bellum Georgia. Similarly, free rural African-Americans struggled to obtain the rudiments of literacy; evidence of covert instruction within private residences is rare. This lack of evidence can be attributed to the lower free black population in rural regions. As illustrated by Table 1, the number of free blacks in Chatham County, where Savannah is located, was significantly higher than rural counties preceding the Civil War.  Consequently, free African-Americans were more sporadic in the countryside, resulting in fewer literate individuals from whom fellow African-Americans could acquire tuition. Nevertheless, one cannot dismiss such secret instruction occurred. Furthermore, little evidence suggests clandestine schooling occurred within rural black churches of Georgia. Owing to their dispersed population, free rural blacks were unable to create a strong community and, consequentially, only a ‘handful’  of African-American churches were erected in each rural county; in Dougherty County, a single black church existed.  Whilst these institutions were ministered by black preachers, only some were independent of white society. Frances Kemble, a Northern white traveller, reported, although free African-Americans possessed their own Baptist church in Darien, ‘a gentleman officiated in it (of course, white).’  Accordingly, white supervision prevented such churches being utilised as secret schoolhouses. However, in those African-American churches which, similarly to their urban counterparts, remained autonomous, one can speculate black ministers served as academic teachers. Indeed, surreptitious instruction in rural Georgia must have occurred; Russel Noah, a free African-American of Madison, as later explained, developed literary skills in the pre-bellum era and became a teacher in the Reconstruction period.  However, due to the sporadic locations of independent churches, such clandestine tuition could only have benefitted a minority of each rural county’s free black population. Thus, compared to Savannah, it was challenging for rural African-Americans, both slave and free alike, to acquire the rudiments of literacy in pre-bellum Georgia, though privileged individuals did. When examining the state in its entirety, evidence illustrates that, despite regional variations, numerous African-Americans possessed basic literary skills prior to the Civil War; an existing approximation suggests five percent of slaves and two-thirds of Georgia’s free African-American population were literate by 1860.  African-Americans actively pursued their aspiration for education by diverse and resourceful methods. This self-motivated movement commenced in both urban and rural regions, albeit with more success in the former, decades before the involvement of Northern whites in the state. Accordingly, the African-American response to their desire for knowledge can hardly be described as piteous, as previous historiography suggests. Independent African-American Schoolhouses These determined endeavours in ante-bellum Georgia were not a prologue to the Reconstruction period; they were ‘formative and foundational,’  providing the basis for formal black schooling. By utilising the academic knowledge obtained before the Civil War, African-Americans independently established schoolhouses immediately following Confederate defeat, December 1864. This movement occurred months before Northern white intervention in Georgia, as previously illustrated by Alvord’s report.  Those literate individuals at the time of Georgia’s surrender became the first educators of the race and, to facilitate this tuition, the black community, despite poverty, organised numerous schoolhouses. This movement transpired especially within Savannah, whereby African-Americans betook to education with ‘speed and energy.’  Devoid of funding to purchase or rent structures specifically for black schooling, African-Americans instead capitalised upon limited resources in their possession. Similarly to pre-bellum clandestine instruction, private residences provided accomodation in which tuition could occur at little cost. In September 1865, Susie King Taylor, who was educated in such a covert manner as a child, opened a school within her Savannah home.  Each month Taylor received $1 from every pupil. These payments, although low, proved sufficient to fund the day to day management of the school and supplied Susie with a small salary.  Furthermore, according to Taylor, several schools were already in operation throughout Savannah within residences of fellow African-Americans, including one ran by Mrs Jackson upon the same street as Susie’s own schoolhouse.   In the absence of many alternatives, African-Americans sacrificed their homes for the purpose of educating others. Moreover, African-Americans of Savannah exploited the one aspect of community life in which they enjoyed full control; the church. Central institutions prior to the Civil War, African-American churches possessed greater importance in the Reconstruction period, facilitating further schools in the city. Earliest letters received by the Bureau in 1865 indicate African-American schooling commonly occurred in church property owned by African-American Baptists. In July 1865, just seven months following Georgia’s surrender, former slave Maria Jones organised a school within a black Baptist church, educating 27 fellow freedpeople.  To sustain this tuition, Jones depended upon $1 a month per scholar. Whilst the total was not always supplied, pupils consistently donated what they could afford. The examples above were organised and sustained independently by the grassroots of Savannah’s African-American community, despite impoverishment. This self-reliance is epitomised by the Savannah Education Association (SEA), a black organisation founded by church leaders. Under the auspices of the SEA, two schoolhouses were established in Savannah during January 1865; one located at Oglethorpe and the other, symbolically, in the former Bryan Slave Mart.  These schools, taught by 16 African-American teachers, were ‘supported by the association.’  To supplement SEA funding, the black community donated $1000 following the schoolhouses’ establishment.  Furthermore, while pupils were not required to pay tuition fees, they chose to finance the salaries of the staff; voluntary contributions which remained ‘enough to supply the needed fund.’  Accordingly, the schools were wholly self-sufficient, educating over 700 African-Americans prior to Nort hern white intervention. Similarly, rural African-Americans organised formal schooling before the involvement of Northern whites in Georgia. However, this process did not occur as rapidly or extensively when compared to Savannah; whereas 27 independent black schoolhouses operated in Savannah by November 1865, just 1 existed in Oglethorpe County.  With fewer opportunities to acquire literary skills in the pre-bellum countryside, fewer individuals could become teachers in the Reconstruction period. In many rural counties, ministers comprised the majority of the literate black population.  Furthermore, rural African-Americans were consumed with poverty and, similarly to their urban counterparts, could only exploit resources already in their possession. Consequently, African-American churches facilitated the earliest black schooling in rural Georgia.  However, as only a handful existed in each rural county, black schoolhouses remained low in number prior to Northern white support. Nevertheless, schools were established and sustained independently. In Marietta, Cobb County, August 1865, Reverend Eeli accommodated a school within his church, educating 95 freedpeople.  To ensure continuance of this instruction, each pupil, when able, donated â‚ ¡50 per month.  Similarly, Russel Noah of Madison, Morgan County, learned to read and write as a free African-American in the ante-bellum period. Whilst Noah had ‘never taught school before,’  he began teaching in September 1865, utilising a church in Madison as a schoolhouse. Likewise, Noah’s pupils donated a small sum to maintain this tuition.  Moreover, Reverend Caldwell operated a night school in his church at La Grange, commencing in September 1865.  Whilst black schoolhouses in rural Georgia were by no means common before measures of Northern whites, those which did exist were organised and maintained by the black community. Evidence therefore illustrates, in both rural and urban Georgia, African-Americans independently inaugurated formal black schooling during the early Reconstruction period, prior to Northern white intervention. This education was impelled by local black impetus and was a continuation of the clandestine efforts preceding the Civil War. Despite legislation prohibiting instruction of African-Americans, several members of Georgia’s black community successfully pursued their desire for education. Developing these pre-bellum foundations, literate African-Americans became teachera in the post-bellum era and numerous schoolhouses were self-sufficiently organised to facilitate such tuition. Accordingly, African-American education was not ‘left to the Freedmen’s Bureau and Northern philanthropy’  as previous scholarship has argued. Indeed, as acknowledged by Alvord, Georgia’s African-Americans had already made ‘commendable efforts to educate themselves and their children’  in the summer of 1865. This educational movement in Georgia accords with the conclusions determined by Jenkins and Fuke for the states of South Carolina and Maryland, both of which argue African-American schooling derived from the grassroots of black society.  However, Jenkins and Fuke further assert rural African-Americans were more highly motivated than their urban counterparts in establishing schoolhouses.  Jenkins maintains rural African-Americans perceived themselves as less sophisticated than their urban contemporaries and thus pursued education ‘more diligently.’  Moreover, Fuke claims rural African-Americans were more enthused due to pride; blacks desired to seek as much control over daily life as possible. Conversely, the opposite occurred in Georgia. Within Savannah, African-Americans organised schoolhouses more rapidly and extensively than in rural areas of the state. This discrepancy can be explained by ante-bellum trends. Whilst rural African-Americans in Georgia, likewise to their peers in Maryland and South Carolina, perhaps considered themselves less sophisticated than urban black society and yearned to establish schooling out of pride, one fact remains: there were fewer opportunities to acquire clandestine education in the pre-bellum countryside. Accordingly, fewer literate individuals could be utilised as teachers in the early Reconstruction period. Consequently, it is logical that African-American schools were more sporadic and slower to develop in rural areas of Georgia. Chapter Two The Freedmen’s Bureau In Maryland, Fuke concluded the Freedmen’s Bureau was a catalyst for the ‘expansion’  of education owing to the provision of schoolhouses throughout the state.  Furthermore, he judged that whilst this growth ‘depended heavily on the support of the Bureau†¦it drew equally from the hard work of the black community.’  Ã‚  These arguments are likewise applicable to Georgia, with one exception. Whereas Fuke generalises his claims to the entirety of Maryland, evidence illustrates his conclusions are more relevant to urban, in comparison to rural, Georgia. In accordance with Fuke’s argument, the Bureau developed the existing foundations of African-American schooling in Georgia, serving as an accelerant to the educational movement formed by black society.  Likewise to Maryland, the Bureau enabled the growth of African-American education through the creation of additional schools; advancement impoverished African-Americans could not achieve independently. However, as argued by Fuke, this role of the Bureau, although significant, was only one influence within a process which combined the efforts of the agency and the African-American community of Georgia. As established, African-Americans in Reconstruction Georgia actively inaugurated their own schooling prior to Northern white intervention. However, this tuition was only available to a minority of the black population, especially within rural counties, and poverty hindered the ability of the community to further expand such schooling. Following the Civil War, devastation encompassed the state; ‘destitution and hunger were the kissing cousins of defeat.’  W. Gannett, a NEFAS representative touring Savannah, April 1865, reported ‘there is little money in the city, in black hands or white.’  Similarly, Miss Banfield, a Northern teacher, described Savannah’s African-American community in November, 1865, as ‘very poor.’ Likewise, within rural Georgia, impoverishment was ubiquitous and often more intensified than urban regions. Plantations were destroyed during conflict and starvation caused widespread distress.  Mr Townsler, a freedman of Griffin, informed the Bureau, in September 1865, the local black community was ‘poor’ and ‘destitute of all conveniences and comforts necessary.’  Accordingly, African-Americans within early Reconstruction Georgia lived at a level of subsistence. Consequently, although the black community organised schoolhouses throughout the state prior to Northern white measures, these institutions often struggled to be maintained. In November 1865, Maria Jones, who previously opened a Savannah school, July 1865, feared it would be impossible to teach the following month as the children were ‘too poor to pay for their tuition.’  Similarly, in a church schoolhouse of rural Athens, there was a ‘general disposition among the colored people to educate their children,’ but ‘very few’ could afford tuition payments.  Thus, by November 1865, the future of Mr Schevenelle’s school, established just four months earlier, appeared bleak. As African-Americans were unable to sustain independently established schoolhouses, it was unfeasible for them to self-sufficiently expand the foundations of black education. Consequentially, whilst the black community inaugurated formal African-American schooling in Reconstruction Georgia, its growth can be attributed to the Freedmen’s Bureau. The original Freedmen’s Bureau Act, March 1865, contained no provisions for African-American education.  During the initial year of the agency’s existence, Congress failed to appropriate financial support for black tuition and the Bureau’s educational powers remained limited. Nevertheless, informal activity commenced within Georgia in the winter of 1865; abandoned buildings were authorised as schoolhouses for the African-American community.  In Savannah, November 1865, Tillson secured property previously utilised by Union forces as black schools.  However, as derelict buildings were located predominantly in cities, original benevolence of the Bureau was restricted to urban Georgia. Nonetheless, in the later months of 1865, the agency was already enhancing African-American education where black communities could not, providing accommodation in which further tuition could occur. The Bureau’s educational activities became more effective in July 1866 when, in response to increasing demands for federal provisions specific to African-American education, Congress secured $500,000 for repairing and leasing black schoolhouses throughout the South; an act interpreted loosely by the agency to establish more schools.  Furthermore, this statute allowed the Bureau to seize former Confederate property to facilitate black schooling.  Similarly, in March 1867, Congress donated an additional $500,000 to the Bureau for the purpose of African-American education.  These appropriations proved crucial to the development of African-American schooling in post-bellum Georgia, and the South as a whole. From July 1866 to July 1870, the Georgia Bureau utilised these Congressional enactments to assist the establishment of black schoolhouses throughout the state; a process which occurred in Maryland also. Within this four year period, approximately 105 buildings, some of which were previously owned by the Confederacy, were rented by the Bureau and donated to Georgia’s African-American community specifically to provide surroundings for black education.  Furthermore, by July 1870, the Bureau had financed, in part, the construction of over 50 schoolhouses, including Beach Institute at Savannah, expending over $110,000. Consequently, the Bureau’s material and monetary contributions created an additional 150 African-American schools in Georgia. Thus, in accordance with Fuke’s conclusions, the Bureau facilitated the expansion of African-American schooling, acting as an accelerant to the educational movement already established by the black community of the state.  As a ‘booster of black schooling,’  the Bureau augmented the local efforts of African-Americans into a large-scale movement. However, whilst Fuke’s argument applies to Georgia when generalising the educational movement in the state as a whole, evidence suggests Bureau activities occurred more enthusiastically within urban regions; a distinction not emphasised by Fuke. Reporting on the progress of African-American education for the year of 1866, Alvord noted there were approximately 100 rural counties in Georgia whereby black schoolhouses were yet to be established.  Similarly, in July 1868, Alvord commented the educational aid of the Bureau was concentrated ‘at the centre,’  Ã‚  in towns, as opposed to being ‘distributed throughout the entire state.’ Thus, the Bureau had not ‘spread a thin blanket of education as widely as possible’  in Georgia, as Fuke implies for Maryland. It instead focused its attention upon urban cities, ironically where aid was less needed. This variation can be explained by the differing measures adopted by Bureau agents in each state. In Maryland, the Bureau’s primary aid for African-American education was to provide lumber for the construction of schoolhouses, 60 of which had been established by mid-1866; more than the total constructed by the Georgia Bureau between 1866 and 1870.  Consequently, such donations could be distributed in rural and urban areas, and the Bureau’s benevolence was received throughout the state.  Contrastingly, in Georgia, the Bureau preferred to rent existing structures for the purpose of black education. As properties suitable for this function were primarily located within urban areas, the Bureau’s educational measures were restricted to cities. Moreover, Bureau efforts may have been confined to urban Georgia due to practicality. Owing to post-war migration, the African-American population was concentrated within five primary cities: Savannah, Atlanta, Augusta, Columbus and Macon.  Concentrating work in such regions maximised the Bureau’s efficiency. Aid could be limited to certain areas whilst benefitting a significant proportion of Georgia’s African-American community. Nevertheless, whilst Bureau measures failed to reach the remotest counties of Georgia, and black schools remained relatively sparse in these regions, the agency significantly developed African-American education when examining the state as a whole. Impoverishment would have prevented black society from independently establishing the further 150 schoolhouses organised by the Bureau. Despite the restricted location of its activities, the Bureau proved to be a valuable catalyst in the growth of African-American schooling within Georgia. However, according with Fuke’s conclusion for Maryland, although the Bureau expanded African-American education in Georgia, Bureau schools were not endowments passively bestowed upon African-Americans; they were joint enterprises. Indeed, impetus in the establishment of such schoolhouses still often derived from African-Americans themselves. Whilst the Bureau’s financial donations, as previously stated, allowed the construction of approximately 50 black schoolhouses within the state, the initial foundations of these schools were nonetheless created by black society. The act of Congress dating to July 1866 (providing $500,000 for the leasing and repairing of black schools throughout the South), although interpreted by the Bureau to allow the construction of new schoolhouses, meant that African-Americans were required to contribute towards the establishment of such institutions. If Georgia’s African-American community could finance and raise the framework of a schoolhouse, the Bureau would ‘repair’ the structure and subsidise its remaining construction.  Accordingly, Bureau money ensured the assembling of schoolhouses. However, it was African-American motivation which prompted them. Similarly, whilst the additional $500,000 appropriated by Congress, March 1867, was non-specific as to its use, and could potentially be utilised to wholly finance the construction of new schools, the Georgia Bureau refused to employ funding in this way. Georgia’s officials continued only to pledge monetary support to those who displayed initiative towards education.  Thus, throughout 1867, J.R. Lewis, the Georgia Bureau’s Superintendent of Education, authorised financial donations towards the erection of black schoolhouses only if African-Americans had paid for the landsite and had made ‘progress’  in its construction.  Again, while Bureau funding allowed the creation of these schools, their impetus still derived from African-Americans themselves. Fundamentally, the Bureau simply provided subsidy for the completion of a process already commenced by the African-American community. This role of the agency can be perceived as a microcosm of the wider educational context in Georgia; the Freedmen’s Bureau developed the existing foundations of African-American education, serving as a catalyst within a movement formed by black society. Furthermore, African-American schools within premises rented by the Bureau were likewise cooperative institutions in which the agency and Georgia’s black community contributed. As the Bureau provided financial support for leasing properties, African-Americans desired to do ‘all they possibly can to help themselves’  regarding maintenance of the schools; a challenge which, according to Alvord, was met with ‘enthusiasm.’  Despite impoverishment, African-Americans were ‘willing to pay’  for the secondary expenses of Bureau schools and ‘liberally’  donated money for the purchase of school equipment, as well as building repairs. Moreover, as the Georgia Bureau’s finances dwindled, the responsibility of subsidising Bureau schools fell increasingly to African-Americans themselves.  As early as August 1867, the Bureau reported a lack of monetary reserves, stating ‘the small fund of last year has been exhausted†¦.funds are very limited indeed.’  Consequently, in order to continue black tuition in such schoolhouses, Lewis informed teachers they must ‘rely on the colored people’  to provide money for rent. In response, the black community ‘contributed more than ever before, though struggling with debts,’  and henceforth assumed a ‘large share’  of the cost. In the six months from January to July, 1869, African-Americans expended approximately $20,000 renting school property. By July 1870, the Bureau ceased its educational work throughout the South for want of funds, leaving African-Americans in Bureau schools to manage them self-sufficiently . Thus, although African-Americans could not afford to rent property in the initial years of Reconstruction and required the Bureau’s financial support to expand black schooling, such benevolence was not accepted passively. Despite impoverishment, African-Americans contributed money, demonstrating commitment towards education. Indeed, as Bureau funds declined, the black community accepted more of the financial burden to sustain their schools. Consequently, African-American education within Georgia was not merely ‘left to the Freedmen’s Bureau’  even after its inauguration. Accordingly, as argued by Fuke for Maryland, the Bureau was vital to the growth of black education in Georgia. The agency advanced schooling where African-Americans themselves were unable to, providing a further 150 schoolhouses throughout the state. Without this aid, African-American schooling would have been more sporadic than it already was.  Thus, likewise to its role in Maryland, the Bureau enhanced the existing foundations of African-American education, serving as a catalyst to a movement inaugurated by the black community; a process which occurred, however, more intensely within urban Georgia. Nonetheless, in accordance with Fuke’s conclusion, to attribute all praise to the Freedmen’s Bureau, as previous scholarship has chosen to, denies the altruistic and self-sacrificing efforts of the black community towards their education. Although the Bureau expanded African-American schooling, Georgia’s black population did not adopt a passive position in this development. Bureau schools were joint institutions. Indeed, the impetus for such schoolhouses often derived from African-Americans themselves and, once established, the black community willingly contributed funds to sustain their tuition. Chapter Three Northern Benevolent Associations Previous scholarship concerning Reconstruction Georgia argues that, in conjunction with the Freedmen’s Bureau, Northern Benevolent Associations were ‘entirely responsible’  for establishing African-American education.  Yet this conclusion does not take into consideration the foundations created by African-Americans themselves. Contrastingly, for the state of Maryland, Fuke has demonstrated that, as African-American schooling derived from the grassroots of black society, Northern whites instead served as facilitators to African-American education; the Bureau expanded black schooling and Northern Benevolence enhanced the standard of teaching available to the African-American community. Likewise to his conclusion of the Bureau’s role, Fuke’s argument regarding Northern aid societies is applicable to this case-study of Georgia. Whilst African-American education was inaugurated by the black community, and supported by the Bureau, there were limits to what African-American teachers, who were devoid of formal schooling preceding the Civil War, could achieve independently.  Although many acquired a degree of literacy in the pre-bellum era, their understanding was frequently basic and, consequently, inaccurate information was imparted. Thus, by transporting qualified educators to Georgia and establishing higher education within the state, Northern aid societies augmented the quality of African-American tuition. Prior to Northern benevolence, African-Americans, in both rural and urban Georgia, resourcefully utilised members of the black community who had obtained literary skills in the ante-bellum era as educators of the race. Indeed, as observed by Alvord, the black population were quick to ‘communicate to each other what they already know [sic]’  in the months following Georgia’s surrender. However, while literate African-Americans became teachers in an effort to ‘uplift their brethren,’  the education offered was often of a low standard. Within correspondence received by the Bureau, the spelling and grammar of black instructors is frequently poor. A letter composed by Eeli, who organised a school in rural Marietta, 1865, illustrates this concept when informing the Bureau of the ‘follering reports:’ there were 95 ‘knowne’ pupils who were ‘tort’ in a schoolhouse which had ‘bin’ organised since August and was owned by the ‘collard’ Baptists.  Similarly, Reverend Rucker of Marietta concluded a school report by acknowledging his scanty literary skills: ‘if my reporte is not right†¦you will pleas look over that and forgive.’  Furthermore, in rural Greensborough, African-American teacher Charles Brown enquired whether the Bureau could provide slates and pencils ‘if posibel.’  Similarly, in urban Savannah, black instructors displayed only basic knowledge of writing. Maria Jones, who established a school in the city, July 186 5, could spell accurately, yet possessed little understanding of grammar: ‘I am colored teacher. Have been teaching since July.’ Accordingly, a ‘smattering of education’  attained in the pre-bellum era was considered enough to qualify a black teacher; those with literary skills, however limited, were beacons to their illiterate counterparts. However, whilst these instructors could educate fellow African-Americans in their ABC’s, inaccurate habits, such as those manifested in Bureau letters, would have been transferred to students. Consequently, only the rudiments of literacy could be imparted independently within the black community and, even then, they were done so imperfectly. Georgia’s first African-American teachers were therefore perceived by Northern whites, government and benevolent, as inept.  Following a tour of the state, mid-1866, J.R. Lewis commented black teachers were ‘incompetent†¦[and] could scarcely read,’  a belief echoed by NEFAS/AMA representatives.  By 1869, Lewis’ opinion had not altered: their ‘ignorance’ generally did ‘more harm than good.’  Similarly, Alvord considered African-American educators to be ‘poorly prepared’ as they instructed ‘only in the alphabet’. Consequently, from late-1865 to 1870, approximately 370 qualified Northern teachers were transported to Georgia by philanthropic associations, primarily the AMA and NEFAS; a process which likewise occurred in Maryland and South Carolina.  Fundamentally, these teachers enhanced black education where African-Americans could not. Unlike their African-American counterparts, white instructors had completed higher education and possessed experience in the classroom. Lucy and Sarah Chase, transported by NEFAS to Savannah, December 1865, were ‘of the highest rank of New England’s ladies’  and had ‘proven themselves’  as talented teachers. Similarly, Linda Jacobs, likewise sent to the city by NEFAS, had ‘demonstrated her ability to fill any place you may assign her.’  Moreover, the AMA sponsored Miss Meye, ‘an experienced teacher,’  and a male ‘normal school graduate’  to teach within Georgia. Such educators, according to Alvord, were ‘competent in every respect;’  a contrast to poorly prepared black instructors. Moreover, alongside superior scholarship, Northern white teachers were equipped with educational resources that African-American teachers lacked, further enhancing the standard of teaching available to black society. African-American schoolhouses established and maintained independently were frequently devoid of academic textbooks.  While some black teachers utilised the Bible as a primer, the text was too advanced and proved ineffectual for this purpose.  White educators transported to Georgia, however, furnished ‘a large quantity of scholar’s books.’  Teachers sponsored by NEFAS taught with Progressive Readers and those supported by the AMA used Wilson’s Primary Speller, Fetter’s Primary Arithmetic and McGuffey’s Reader.  These textbooks were based upon the primary curriculum of Northern common schools and thus provided a more academically enriching classroom environment compared to the self-sufficient endeavours of the black communi ty. By transporting teachers and resources to Georgia, benevolent associations ensured short-term improvement in the quality of African-American tuition. In receiving a better education themselves, Northern instructors progressed African-American schooling beyond the standard taught independently within black society. Furthermore, in contrast to the informal efforts of black teachers, primers standardised African-American instruction, providing a solid, comprehensive curriculum.  Thus, in accordance with Fuke’s conclusion for Maryland, aid societies enhanced the quality of black schooling in Georgia, serving as catalysts to African-American education. However, Fuke generalises this argument making little distinction between urban and rural regions, suggesting Northern munificence was distributed reasonably evenly throughout Maryland.  Nonetheless, within Georgia, philanthropic activities demonstrated an ‘urban bias’  similarly to the Freedmen’s Bureau. According to Alvord, educational measures of benevolent associations were concentrated in the ‘principal cities.’  Furthermore, from late 1865-1870, approximately 70 percent of Northern teachers transported to Georgia were sent to urban areas.  This variation between Maryland and Georgia is explicable by the relationship between the Bureau and Northern societies; the Bureau functioned as a central organisation in the educational movement, coordinating the efforts of aid associations. Thus, it is logical that philanthropic activities within both Georgia and Maryland were directed in the same manner as those of the Bureau within each state. As an extension to Fuke’s conclusions, this case-study of Georgia suggests higher education also benefitted the standard of African-American tuition. In addition to furnishing short term support for black schooling, albeit more so in urban regions, benevolent associations provided long-term assistance to African-American education in Georgia. As established, black teachers who were devoid of professional training could only teach to a limited level. To progress their ability to instruct beyond the rudiments of literacy, these instructors required a better education themselves; a process unachievable within the black community. Accordingly, African-Americans required Northern support in order to ‘teach the teachers.’ During the early Reconstruction period, the AMA placed emphasis upon higher education and by 1870 it had established approximately 157 normal schools throughout the South, a number of which located in urban Georgia.  Storrs school in Atlanta and Lewis High School in Macon, for example, served as institutions of teacher training whereby black teachers received specialised instruction equivalent to their white counterparts. The most significant contribution of the AMA, however, was Atlanta University, founded June 1867, at the cost of $20,000.  Teacher training commenced in 1869, intending to fulfil the ‘much needed’ work in the state – the ‘preparation of black teachers’ for African-American schools.  By April 1869, the college possessed a normal class of 30 pupils, with an additional 70 scholars expected the following autumn term, all of whom were ‘taught the methods of imparting instruction [for] successful teaching.’  Furthermore, by 1870, the university had educated approximately 70 African-American graduates able teach to a level comparable to Northern whites. This new generation of African-American educators could therefore teach to a higher quality than the first black instructors of the state, enabling African-Americans to self-sufficiently progress their education beyond its previously limited level.  This was both a preference of Georgia’s black community, for African-Americans preferred to send children to black teachers, as opposed to white, and, increasingly, a necessity as Northern associations became ‘crippled’  for want of funds.  Fundamentally, whilst African-Americans independently inaugurated formal black schooling, Northern benevolence allowed black teaching to continue independently. Accordingly, the conclusion determined by Fuke for Maryland applies to Georgia; Northern aid societies augmented the quality of tuition where African-Americans could not self-sufficiently progress beyond certain limits, serving as catalysts to black education. Whilst literate African-Americans became the first educators of the race, their standard of teaching was restricted. With scanty literary skills themselves, black instructors only imparted basic knowledge. Thus, qualified Northern teachers immediately enhanced the standard of African-American education in Georgia. However, unlike their contemporaries in Maryland, Georgia’s rural black communities were somewhat dismissed. Furthermore, developing Fuke’s argument, higher education in Georgia likewise benefitted the level of black instruction; African-Americans could independently teach to a higher quality, improving the long-term conditions of black schooling. Whilst black society initiated its own tuition, Northern philanthropy enhanced it. Conclusion Scholarship regarding African-American education in the Reconstruction South has transformed during the last 50 years, gradually acknowledging the efforts of African-Americans themselves. However, only recent historiography concludes such schooling derived from black impetus. This argument has been applied, in particular, to Maryland and South Carolina. Jenkins argues African-Americans educated themselves in post-bellum South Carolina in a self-sufficient movement continuing the concealed efforts of the pre-bellum era.  Similarly, Fuke demonstrates African-American schooling in Maryland derived from grassroots impetus and Northern whites operated as catalysts within this movement created by black society; the Bureau facilitated its expansion by creating additional schoolhouses and Northern philanthropists enhanced the quality instruction. This dissertation intended to ascertain how far these combined conclusions apply to Georgia. Evidently, research suggests the educational movement in Georgia did largely accord with its counterparts in South Carolina and Maryland, with one exception; variations in the concentration of educational efforts are apparent. Nevertheless, the inauguration of formal black schooling in post-bellum Georgia, likewise to Maryland and South Carolina, can be attributed to the African-American community. This process, as concluded by Jenkins, commenced in the period preceding the Civil War. Despite legislation prohibiting instruction of African-Americans in Georgia, numerous individuals, slave and free alike, pursued their desire for education, acquiring a degree of literacy. Whilst this process occurred throughout the state, it was more challenging for rural African-Americans to obtain literary skills. Developing these foundations, African-Americans with even a modicum of knowledge became the first educators of the race in post-bellum Georgia. To accommodate such tuition, the black community exploited resources in its possession, organising formal schoolhouses prior to Northern white intervention. Indeed, 75 independently established and maintained schools existed by the summer of 1865.  Essentially, African-Americans taught each other whatever they knew and wherever they could. This educational movement was a continuation of pre-bellum efforts; formerly clandestine activity prior to the Civil War merely manifested itself visibly in post-bellum Georgia. Accordingly, the conclusions of Fuke and Jenkins apply to the state: formal African-American schooling was inaugurated independently by the black community. However, whereas their research suggests rural African-Americans were more motivated in establishing black schoolhouses, the antithesis occurred in Georgia; with fewer opportunities in the ante-bellum countryside to acquire education, fewer individuals could be utilised as teachers in the early Reconstruction period. Nevertheless, despite the concentration of educational efforts in urban Georgia, black schooling was initiated throughout the state by African-Americans themselves. Furthermore, Fuke’s conclusions concerning Northern whites in Maryland likewise apply to Georgia, again, however, with one exception. As in Maryland, the Bureau served as a catalyst in Georgia, expanding African-American education. Following the agency’s money and material donations, the number of black schoolhouses substantially increased in the state; advancement impoverished African-Americans could not accomplish independently. Nonetheless, despite the similarity of the Bureau’s overall influence in both states, a distinction can be ascertained. Whereas aid was distributed throughout Maryland, it was restricted primarily to urban Georgia; a variation explicable by the differing measures favoured by Bureau agents of each state. However, despite urban bias, the Bureau proved a valuable contribution in the growth of African-American schooling when examining Georgia as a whole. Nevertheless, although the Bureau expanded black schooling in Georgia, African-Americans did not adopt a passive role in this development, likewise to their contemporaries in Maryland. The impetus for Bureau schools frequently derived from the black community and, despite impoverishment, African-Americans sacrificed money towards their education. Bureau schools were therefore cooperative ventures and not endowments. Moreover, Fuke’s argument regarding Northern philanthropy in Maryland likewise applies to Georgia with one exception. Similarly to their role in Maryland, aid societies augmented the quality of black tuition in Georgia, serving as facilitators to the state’s educational movement. Whilst literate African-Americans became the first educators of the race, their standard of instruction was limited. Thus, by transporting qualified teachers to Georgia, Northern munificence enhanced the level of instruction available to black society. However, although the influence of Northern benevolence was similar in Maryland and Georgia, a distinction can be determined; educational activities were distributed throughout Maryland yet concentrated predominantly in urban Georgia. This pattern, within both states, echoes the measures of the Bureau. As the Bureau coordinated the efforts of Northern associations, it is logical their activities were directed in the same manner as those of the ag ency itself. Extending Fuke’s conclusion, higher education within Georgia further developed the standard of African-American tuition. By providing black teachers with professional training equivalent to their white counterparts, the AMA allowed African-Americans to teach to a higher standard than the level previously attained. Whilst African-Americans independently inaugurated black schooling, Northern benevolence allowed black teaching to continue independently. Accordingly, although discrepancies between the rural and urban experience are apparent when comparing Georgia to Maryland and South Carolina, the educational movement in Georgia, when examining the state as a whole, largely accords with the combined conclusions determined by Fuke and Jenkins; formal African-American schooling in the Reconstruction period was inaugurated self-sufficiently and Northern whites did act as catalysts within this process established by black society.

Definitions and Examples of Word Formation

Definitions and Examples of Word Formation In linguistics (particularly morphology  and lexicology), word formation refers to the ways in which new words are made on the basis of other words or morphemes. Also called derivational morphology. Word-formation can denote either a state or a process, and it can be viewed either diachronically (through different periods in history)  or synchronically  (at one particular period in time). See examples and observations below. In  The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language,  David Crystal writes about word formations:   Most English vocabulary arises by making new lexemes out of old ones - either by adding an affix to previously existing forms, altering their word class, or combining them to produce compounds. These processes of construction are of interest to grammarians as well as lexicologists. ...  but the importance of word-formation to the development of the lexicon is second to none. ... After all, almost any lexeme, whether Anglo-Saxon or foreign, can be given an affix, change its word class, or help make a compound. Alongside the Anglo-Saxon ​root in ​kingly, for example, we have the French root in royally and the Latin root in regally. There is no elitism here. The processes of affixation, conversion, and compounding are all great levelers.(David Crystal, The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language, 2nd ed. Cambridge University Press, 2003) Processes of Word-Formation Apart from the processes that attach something to a base (affixation) and processes that do not alter the base (conversion), there are processes involving the deletion of material. ... English Christian names, for example, can be shortened by deleting parts of the base word (see 11) This type of word formation is called truncation, with the term clipping also being used. (11a) Ron (-Aaron)(11a) Liz (-Elizabeth)(11a) Mike (-Michael)(11a) Trish (-Patricia)(11b) condo (-condominium)(11b) demo (-demonstration)(11b) disco (-discotheque)(11b) lab (-laboratory) Sometimes truncation and affixation can occur together, as with formations expressing intimacy or smallness, so-called diminutives: (12) Mandy (-Amanda)(12) Andy (-Andrew)(12) Charlie (-Charles)(12) Patty (-Patricia)(12) Robbie (-Roberta) We also find so-called blends, which are amalgamations of parts of different words, such as smog (-smoke/fog) or modem (modulator/demodulator). Blends based on orthography are called acronyms, which are coined by combining the initial letters of compounds or phrases into a pronounceable new word (NATO, UNESCO, etc.). Simple abbreviations like UK or USA are also quite common.(Ingo Plag, Word-Formation in English. Cambridge University Press, 2003) Academic Studies of Word-Formation - Following years of complete or partial neglect of issues concerning word formation (by which we mean primarily derivation, compounding, and conversion), the year 1960 marked a revival- some might even say a resurrection- of this important field of linguistic study. While written in completely different theoretical frameworks (structuralist vs. transformationalist), both Marchands Categories and Types of Present-Day English Word-Formation in Europe and Lees Grammar of English Nominalizations instigated systematic research in the field. As a result, a large number of seminal works emerged over the next decades, making  the scope of word-formation research broader and deeper, thus contributing to better understanding of this exciting area of human language.(Pavol Ã…Â  tekauer and Rochelle Lieber, preface to Handbook of Word-Formation. Springer, 2005)- [R]ecent voices stressing the importance of investigating word formation in the light of cognitive processes can be interpreted f rom two general perspectives. First of all, they indicate that a structural approach to the architecture of words and a cognitive view are not incompatible. On the contrary, both perspectives try to work out regularities in language. What sets them apart is the basic vision of how language is encapsulated in the mind and the ensuing choice of terminology in the description of the processes. . . . [C]ognitive linguistics concedes closely to the self-organizing nature of humans and their language, whereas generative-structuralist perspectives represent external boundaries as given in the institutionalized order of human interaction.(Alexander Onysko and Sascha Michel, Introduction: Unravelling the Cognitive in Word Formation. Cognitive Perspectives on Word Formation. Walter de Gruyter, 2010) Birth and Death Rates of Words Statistical Laws Governing Fluctuations in Word Use from Word Birth to Word Death.   Just as a new species can be born into an environment, a word can emerge in a language. Evolutionary selection laws can apply pressure on the sustainability of new words since there are limited resources (topics, books, etc.) for the use of words. Along the same lines, old words can be driven to extinction when cultural and technological factors limit the use of a word, in analogy to the environmental factors that can change the survival capacity of a living species by altering its ability to survive and reproduce. Source Petersen, Alexander M. Statistical Laws Governing Fluctuations in Word Use from Word Birth to Word Death. Scientific Reports volume 2, Joel Tenenbaum, Shlomo Havlin, et al., Scientific Reports, Nature, March 15, 2012.

LET'S HEAR IT FOR THE B PLAYERS - ARTICLE REVIEW

LET'S HEAR IT FOR THE B PLAYERS - REVIEW - Article Example This group does not outshine everyone in the company’s line of duty but packs tremendous knowledge, experience, and ability for saving a company’s future from crises and other performance-based issues. The B Players are not made and neither can they be destroyed. These Players exist in three levels: former A Players, Truth Tellers, and Go-to-Managers. As former A Players, these have the experience and toughness to outshine all the players within the company but they choose to move from the spotlight. As truth tellers, they identify the number of issues that face the company and project it to the authorities capable of strategizing factors to pull the company from financial or performance deficits. As Go-to-Manages, B Players are faced with consultation duties related to the company’s operations and norms. When a company finds itself in performance or financial turmoil, the B Players structure the entity for consultation as their knowledge and experience with comp any process makes them an asset to the company. Managers are provided with a manual-style approach on how to nurture B Players. In a company, most employees are faced with the urge to become top players but their ambitions may pay off or fail, therefore, breaking their morale. However, for B Players, management is urged to accept differences, give the gift of time, hand out the prizes, and give choices. Data Analysis and Opinion: Different players within a company have different goals and mission about their careers and purposes at the company. The business world functions on a 24/7 basis and incorporates players with varying ambitions. A Players are more concerned on how to work their way to the top – their mission is to find out what is good for ‘brand me’. B Players on the other hand, focus their potential for what is good for the company. With this variance, it has been noted that, companies do not, in most cases recognize the efforts or the role of B Players . For example, a company will always give incentives and bonuses to those employees that perform beyond the expectations of many. This is the reason some companies have the employee-of-the-year awards. This awarding system is a way of recognizing talent or skill but also a way of isolating other important players within the company. In this case, if it were the will of every employee to work towards nourishing individual talent and skills, companies would have no one concerned about their long term performances. Various people work for varying reasons; some work to be promoted, some need good pay, and others need to be managers. However, when it comes to the myth that everyone is equal or similar to the other, a line is drawn. Leaders within a company always assume that all people want the same things – money, power, and status – out of their organizations. However, evidence shows that some people are more focused on influencing others in their jobs. For those not worr ied about individual performance or excellence are considered B players – their duty is to influence change on a company-wide scope. However, while this is the fact, management in different companies tends to overlook the importance and purpose of being a B Player. B Players are not different from A Players because they possess the same or even higher level of intelligence. Achievement has been identified as a blend of personality, intelligence, and

Feature Article - Japan Nuclear Explosion and Earthquake Essay

Feature Article - Japan Nuclear Explosion and Earthquake - Essay Example The Fukushima accident and Chernobyl nuclear tragedy having had similar consequences, it will be useful to compare these two incidents so as to understand the possible interventions to be made in future. An analysis of Chernobyl nuclear tragedy in terms of its short term and long term impacts would help the scientists working on the Fukushima issue to predict the possible long term impacts of Fukushima accident. Moreover, they will be able take lessons from the Chernobyl experience to be adapted to their present operation in Fukushima. The objective of this essay is to compare the impacts of Fukushima and Chernobyl nuclear accidents on environment. Impact on environment It is beyond any doubt that both Fukushima and Chernobyl tragedies have resulted in serious environmental impacts. The danger in the impacts is that the pollutants are radioactive. This would mean that it continually changes its chemical constitution and set forth chain reactions causing complex multiple implications. In terms of environment, the largest danger is the long time these elements take to decompose itself. Half life, which is time taken for a compound to decompose into half of it is very long in the case of these isotopes. Thus the environmental implications are long term and unpredictable. The radioactive elements get into the water, air and soil. It also gets into the supplementary systems of water, air and soil. Marine systems, food chains, agriculture, animals, milk and ecology in general is contaminated by radioactive isotopes. It has been reported that in the earlier days after the Chernobyl nuclear accident, the surface deposits of radionuclides became radioactive for agricultural plants and the animals which consumed these (Roberta, 2009). . This was rapidly absorbed into milk which increased the level of thyroid in people who consumed milk. This was predominately observable across Ukraine , Belarus and Russia. The secondary phase of the sedimentary deposition was that these were taken up by plants from the soil through roots. Ceasium was the isotope which was reported to be most dangerous in this regard. It must be noted that agricultural products from highly affected areas may even now have traces of this isotope (Roberta, 2009). The direct presence of radioactive elements in plants reduced with time. The reasons could be weathering, physical decay, and the downward movement of radioactive elements into lower zones of soil inaccessible to the plants (Greenfacts, 2006). However, the impact of the radioactive leakage on agriculture does not limit to this direct surface deposition and plant uptake. The extensively cultivated areas with high content of organic content were affected. Pasturing of affected animals over unimproved grass lands also contributed to the radioactive content in agricultural plants and products. The people associated with these farms, especially the subsistence farmers in Russia were largely affected (Greenfacts, 2006) Radioactive plant products are reported to be largest contributors for human internal dose of radioactive elements. As these isotopes, especially Ceasium, has long life, the traces of the element is still found in some of the products. The current scenario is that the level of radioactive elements in products from Chernobyl has come down below national and international action levels. However, in Zhytomir and Rovno

Schooldays Time Essay Example for Free

Schooldays Time Essay According to a popular saying,schooldays are the happiest days of your life. Is there any truth in this? Answers to this question are bound to vary greatly from person to person. A person’s answer will depend on how happy the person’s schooldays actually were and on how happy the rest of his or her life has been since. To give a really true answer to this question you have to be fairly close to the end of your life. Hopefully,by this time you will have lived a long time. If this is the case,then you will have a long period of time to look back on.Will no other period of your life have made you happier than your schooldays? This seems rather unlikely. There are certain momentous times in a person’s life which are usually accompained by a great feeling of happiness,even of ecstasy. One of these is being in love. Another is a person’s wedding day. Yet another, and many parents would put this at the top of their happiness list, is the birth of a couple’s child. These are milestones in human life and they bring happinessto the majority of people who experience them. However, apart from these emotional milestones, there is a wide variation in what makes people happy. To a large extent what brings happiness to a person depends on what they are interested in. For example, athletes might well regard their period of supreme happiness as the time they won a major track or field event, especially an Olympic event. Footballers might regard the peak of their happiness as the time they played for a top-ranking team and scored a crucial goal in an important game. Ambitious businesspeople might be at the hightest point of their happiness when they bring off a particulary successful and shrewd business deal. If there are all these opportunities, and many more, for achieving happiness in life, how has the idea arise that schooldays are the happiest days of our life? It is at least partly because people’s memories, particularly older people’s memories, tend to be imperfect when they look back on the past. Not only that.Especially where childhood is concerned, older people tend to look back at past through rose-coloured spectacles. For example, they might remember the weather during the summer holidays as being much better than it is now. That has nothing whatsoever to do with modern climate change. It has to do with looking back on the past with affection and nostalagia-and a lack of realism. A few people’s schooldays might genuinely have been the happiest days of their lives. On the other hand, some people’s schooldays might have been an absolute nightmare with stern schoolteachers administering harsh punishments and fellow students teasing and bullying them, not to mention the often unbearable pressure of exams. For most people,neither of these extremes fits the bill.Their schooldays are the usual mixture of happiness and unhappiness,like the rest of their lives.Schooldays are not the happiest days of their lives.

On the Temporal Boundaries of Simple Experiences :: Philosophy Philosophical Papers

On the Temporal Boundaries of Simple Experiences ABSTRACT: I argue that the temporal boundaries of certain experiences — those I call ‘simple experiential events’ (SEEs) — have a different character than the temporal boundaries of the events most frequently associated with experience: neural events. In particular, I argue that the temporal boundaries of SEEs are more sharply defined than those of neural events. Indeed, they are sharper than the boundaries of all physical events at levels of complexity higher than that of elementary particle physics. If correct, it follows that the most common forms of identity theory-functionalism and dualism (according to which neurophysiological (or other complex) events play key roles through identification or correlation) — are mistaken. More positively, the conclusion supports recent approaches that attempt to explain conciousness by appeal to quantum physics. I. Introduction A methodology that I believe has some chance of providing us with a better understanding of the nature of consciousness – or of how it could be that consciousness does not exist, if the eliminativists are right – is one in which we study our conception or picture of consciousness. Specifically, I am referring to our conception or picture of phenomenal consciousness – what one has in mind who, e.g., "gets" the mind-body problem, understands the inverted spectrum or absent qualia examples, or Nagel’s phrase that it is like something to be conscious, and so on. Such individuals, arguably, are thinking about consciousness in a more or less similar way, exploiting a similar conception or picture, similar conceptual structures. Studying such a conception should be, to a reasonable degree at least, just like studying any other conception in cognitive science. And, as with other conceptions, the effort can be a multidisciplinary one, one to which philosophers can contribute. As I said, I think following this route might lead to progress in our understanding of consciousness itself; but even if it does not, characterizing our conception of phenomenal consciousness has importance at least as a piece of psychology. In any event, it is how I am inclined to pursue the study of consciousness these days. This talk describes a small study within that broader project. In another paper (1) I have argued that our conception of phenomenal consciousness commits us to the idea that there are simple components or elements that in some sense make up our complex phenomenal experience. Actually, it commits us to holding that either there are simples or that our complex phenomenal experience is such that – roughly put – analysis will always continue ad infinitum, no matter how a complex phenomenal experience gets carved up. On the Temporal Boundaries of Simple Experiences :: Philosophy Philosophical Papers On the Temporal Boundaries of Simple Experiences ABSTRACT: I argue that the temporal boundaries of certain experiences — those I call ‘simple experiential events’ (SEEs) — have a different character than the temporal boundaries of the events most frequently associated with experience: neural events. In particular, I argue that the temporal boundaries of SEEs are more sharply defined than those of neural events. Indeed, they are sharper than the boundaries of all physical events at levels of complexity higher than that of elementary particle physics. If correct, it follows that the most common forms of identity theory-functionalism and dualism (according to which neurophysiological (or other complex) events play key roles through identification or correlation) — are mistaken. More positively, the conclusion supports recent approaches that attempt to explain conciousness by appeal to quantum physics. I. Introduction A methodology that I believe has some chance of providing us with a better understanding of the nature of consciousness – or of how it could be that consciousness does not exist, if the eliminativists are right – is one in which we study our conception or picture of consciousness. Specifically, I am referring to our conception or picture of phenomenal consciousness – what one has in mind who, e.g., "gets" the mind-body problem, understands the inverted spectrum or absent qualia examples, or Nagel’s phrase that it is like something to be conscious, and so on. Such individuals, arguably, are thinking about consciousness in a more or less similar way, exploiting a similar conception or picture, similar conceptual structures. Studying such a conception should be, to a reasonable degree at least, just like studying any other conception in cognitive science. And, as with other conceptions, the effort can be a multidisciplinary one, one to which philosophers can contribute. As I said, I think following this route might lead to progress in our understanding of consciousness itself; but even if it does not, characterizing our conception of phenomenal consciousness has importance at least as a piece of psychology. In any event, it is how I am inclined to pursue the study of consciousness these days. This talk describes a small study within that broader project. In another paper (1) I have argued that our conception of phenomenal consciousness commits us to the idea that there are simple components or elements that in some sense make up our complex phenomenal experience. Actually, it commits us to holding that either there are simples or that our complex phenomenal experience is such that – roughly put – analysis will always continue ad infinitum, no matter how a complex phenomenal experience gets carved up.

Historical Development of Nursing Timeline

Historical Development of Nursing Timeline Olga NUR/513 Historical Development of Nursing Timeline Nursing is an art and a science. This coexistence assists in the development and advancement of nursing to a higher level of professional practice. The art of nursing emphasizes interpersonal relationships between the nurse and the patient, empathy, and dedication to caring for a patient. The science is the foundation of nursing that guides nursing care based upon the latest scientific discoveries within the nursing and other related disciplines such as medicine, psychology, and social sciences (Walker & Avant, 2011).In biblical times, female members of societies were responsible for caring for ill. There was neither organized care, nor science behind the methods of caring: the approaches were passed among the women and were centered on their religious views on sickness and health. The people who provided care were untrained and often belonged to the lowest economic classes, such as sla ves. The first organized groups who performed nursing care were male nursing orders in 1300s, such as the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem (Anderson, 1981).During the 16th and 17th century, nursing jobs fell into â€Å"dark ages† becoming synonymous with alcoholism, prostitution, and the waste of society (Anderson, 1981, p. 20). The first nursing school, the Deaconess School of Nursing at Kaiserwerth, Germany was established in 1836. Physicians instructed nursing students about bedside care and how to provide nursing care (Anderson, 1981). The development of nursing science is traced back to Florence Nightingale, whose initial study â€Å"Notes of Nursing† (1859) represents the first nursing theory (George, 2011). Nightingale supported her nursing experiences with statistical data.Nightingale’s analysis of the positive impact of a clean environment on decreasing morbidity and mortality among the soldiers during the Crimean War became the model for changing the n ursing practice from an art to a combination of art and science (Burns, Grove, 2007). Nightingale established nursing program at St. Thomas Hospital in London that correlate nursing theory and practice. This school became a model for nursing education. The medicine continued to provide nursing guidelines and influenced nursing practice. The nurses remained relegated to the status of obedience servant to the authoritarian doctors.The nurses were obligated to obey the physician’s orders faithfully, â€Å"never be guilty of making suggestions to the doctor,† since â€Å"she [nurse] is there to carry out his [physician] orders† (Walker & Holmes, 2008, p. 111). The lack of preparation and education among the nurses was obvious. Universities began establishing nursing programs throughout the United States. The University of Texas (1894), the Columbia University (1899), the University of Minnesota (1908), and others opened schools of nursing (Anderson, 1981). In 1923, Teachers College at Columbia University offered the first educational nursing program at doctorial level.The first master’s degree in nursing was established in 1929 at Yale University (Burns & Grove, 2007). During the 1940s, the nursing literature continued to emphasize the practical skills of the nursing. Most of the existing manuals viewed nursing as â€Å"the hand† and medicine as â€Å"the head as its primary signifier† (Walker, Holmes, 2008, 114). In 1950s, the first nursing theorists were graduates from the Columbia University’s Teachers College educational programs. Their theories were based on practical nursing. The focus of these theories was the patients’ needs.Peplau (1952/1988) presented interpersonal relations in nursing theory (George, 2011). In 1959, Hall presented care, core, and cure theory, where caring and nurturing for a patient were interconnected with patient’s ability to make decisions of â€Å"therapeutic use of sel f† (George, 2011, p. 183). Many of the nursing leaders in this era recognized that nursing science and theory development were needed to change the status of nursing from a career to a profession (Walker & Avant, 2011). The theories developed during the 1960s focused on the relationships between the nurse and the patient.The theorists from Yale School, such as Henderson and Orlando, proposed their theories. Henderson in 1960, defined nursing as â€Å"assisting† and â€Å"help† for the individuals, focusing on the individual plan of care (George, 2011, p. 89). Orlando’s 1961 theory, The Dynamic Nurse-Patient Relationship: Function, Process, and Principles described nursing as an interactive process between the nurse and the individual patient within the immediate situation. Orlando shifted the focus of nursing from assisting the physician to assisting the patient, and promoted the independence of nursing (George, 2011). In 1965, the American NursingAssociat ion recommended two levels of nursing education, the baccalaureate and the associate, to distinguish the education for a professional nursing from that of the technical nursing profession. During the same time frame, the amount of nursing research was increasing. Nurses became involved in the development of frameworks for nursing practice guidelines (Burns & Grove, 2007). During the 1970s, many nursing theories were revised. Rogers, King, Orem, Neuman, and Watson symbolized this era of nursing theorists. Their theories provided the foundation for the nursing profession, integrating arts, science, and philosophy into nursing.They focused on human behavior and emphasized the complexity of nursing. The theorists presented the individual as the whole system of the physiological, psychosocial, developmental, cultural, and spiritual elements (George, 2011; Burns & Grove, 2007). The development of the nursing during 1980s was characterized by increased nursing research. Many theories were revised and new theories were proposed. The theories of Erickson, Benner, Leininger, Orem, Roy, King, Watson, Levine, and others represent this era (Burns & Grove, 2007).The 1990s was characterized by an increasing number of middle range theories that provided guidelines for evidence-based nursing practice. During this time the nursing theories took an international approach with publications and conferences (George, 2011). Throughout the decades, the development of nursing science was influenced by other disciplines, such as religion, philosophy, psychology, anthropology, and social sciences. Religion blamed diseases as a punishment for sins. Philosophy knowledge base of truth, mind, language, and values, widely affected nursing development.Conceptual models in nursing are the examples of the influence of philosophy on the nursing. For example, Roger’s model explained the nature of the human beings (Burns & Grove, 2007). Watson’s theory reflects philosophical beliefs of caring. Nursing ethics took its origins from the philosophy. Psychology as the study of mind and behavior was used by the nursing theorists. For example, Roy and Roberts (1981) created the theory of adaptation model by deriving it from the psychophysics theory of Helson (1964) (Walker & Avant, 2011). Florence Nightingale ushered in a new era in nursing.Prior to her, there was no science behind the methods of caring. Nurses were associated with alcoholism, prostitution, and the waste of society. The mid-19th century saw the beginning of nursing schools. Florence Nightingale was credited with writing the first nursing theory, but since the 1950s nursing theories have proliferated. Nursing science and knowledge has flourished ushering in a new era in nursing, changing the status of nursing from a career to a profession. References Anderson, N. E. (1981). The Historical Development of American Nursing Education. Journal of Nursing Education, 20(1), 18 – 36.Burns, N. & Grove, S . K. (2007). Understanding nursing research: Building an evidence-based practice (4th ed. ). St. Louis, Missouri: Saunders. George, J. B. (2011). Nursing theories: The base for professional nursing practice (6th ed. ). Boston, MA: Pearson Education, Inc. Walker, K. & Holmes, C. A. (2008). The ‘order of things’: Tracing a history of the present through a re-reading of the past in nursing education. Contemporary Nurse, 30, 106 – 118. Walker, L. O. & Avant, K. C. (2011). Strategies for theory construction in nursing (5th ed. ). Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Pearson/Prentice Hall.